superb historicity accuracy of Luke (as noted by William Ramsay, Adrian Sherwin-White and Colin J. Hemer)

Steven Avery

Administrator
Pure Bible FOrum

Christian apologetics - historians in the mode of Sir William Mitchell Ramsay (Cadbury, Hemer, Sherwin-White)
https://www.purebibleforum.com/inde...hell-ramsay-cadbury-hemer-sherwin-white.4550/

superb historicity accuracy of Luke (as noted by William Ramsay, Adrian Sherwin-White and Colin J. Hemer)
https://www.purebibleforum.com/inde...-adrian-sherwin-white-and-colin-j-hemer.1621/

Luke's prologue - when was the Gospel of Luke written?
https://www.purebibleforum.com/inde...gue-when-was-the-gospel-of-luke-written.1071/

the William Mitchell Ramsay verses that show Westcott-Hort recension corruption
https://www.purebibleforum.com/inde...show-westcott-hort-recension-corruption.3995/

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William Mitchell Ramsay (1851-1939)
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/William_Mitchell_Ramsay

Colin J. Hemer (1930-1987)
http://www.theologicalstudies.org.uk/theo_hemer.php

Adrian Nicholas Sherwin-White (1911-1993)
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/A._N._Sherwin-White

James Smith , The Voyage and Shipwreck of St Paul (London, 4th edn, 1880);
James Smith (of Jordanhill.) · 1856 - Walter Edward Smith
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_Smith_of_Jordanhill
https://books.google.com/books/about/The_Voyage_and_Shipwreck_of_St_Paul.html?id=IMsNAAAAQAAJ
https://books.google.com/books?id=7vM01RlROAAC&pg=PA44

I have elsewhere illustrated this view of the connection of the three first Gospels by examples from the historians Alison, Napier, and Suchet, who hold the same relation to the events of the peninsular campaigns in respect to time, which Luke, Matthew, and Mark hold to the events in the life of our Saviour; Alison being a historian who

Search
https://www.google.com/search?q="Ja...kEHdpyAvYQ0pQJegQIAxAC&biw=1360&bih=535&dpr=1

Review
https://www.menofthewest.net/the-voyage-and-shipwreck-of-saint-paul-a-review/
“No man could by any possibility attain so complete a command of nautical language who had not spent a considerable portion of his life at sea.”
— James Smith on St. Luke

W. Ward Gasque,
A History of the Criticism of the Acts of the Apostles (BGBE, 17; Tubingen: J.C.B. Mohr [Paul Siebeckl, 1975);

Harry W. Tajra
The Trial of St Paul: A Juridical Exegesis of the Second Half of the Acts of the Apostles (2010)
https://books.google.com/books/about/The_Trial_of_St_Paul.html?id=kdRMAwAAQBAJ

R- Lane Fox, The Unauthorized Version (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 199!).

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Facebook - NT Textual Criticism
https://www.facebook.com/groups/NTT...87668961502&reply_comment_id=7446265905460345

BCHF
http://earlywritings.com/forum/viewtopic.php?f=3&t=4072&p=85890#p85890
 
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Steven Avery

Administrator
... Gasque W. Ward. The History of the Criticism of the Acts of the Apostles.
Grand Rapids, Ml: Eerdmans, 1975. Gaventa, Beverly Roberts. From
 
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Steven Avery

Administrator
Michael Prior
Paul the Letter-writer and the Second Letter to Timothy (1989)
p. 71 and 103
https://books.google.com/books?id=ntnUAwAAQBAJ&pg=PA193

The Character and Purpose of Luke's Christology (1996)
by Douglas Buckwalter
https://books.google.com/books?id=9nwtfHbKiF8C&pg=PA65

1706814925719.png


Perspectives of Jesus in the Writings of Paul: A Historical Examination of Shared Core Commitments with a View to Determining the Extent of Paul's Dependence on Jesus (2014)
Gerry Schoberg
https://books.google.com/books?id=lebkDwAAQBAJ&pg=PA24

Those following in the tradition of F. C. Baur—especially M. Dibelius, E. Haenchen, P. Vielhauer, and H. Conzelmann—have been skeptical of the historical value of Acts, arguing, for example, that Lukes theological or pastoral concerns were more important to him than historical accuracy. On the other hand, those following in the tradition of J. B. Lightfoot—especially W. M. Ramsay, F. F. Bruce, A. N. Sherwin-White, C. J. Hemer, and M. Hengel—have argued, based on the agreement between Acts and other sources concerning numerous historical details, that theological and historical purposes are not necessarily a
t odds with each other.113
 
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Steven Avery

Administrator
Pontius Pilate Luke 3 v 1; Luke 13 v 1, Luke 23 v 1, 3, etc
Herod the Great, BerniceLuke 1 v 5; Luke 25 v 13; Luke 26 v 30
Sergius PaulusActs 13 v 7
DrusillaActs 24 v 24
GallioActs 18 v 12
AnnasLuke 3 v 2; Acts 4 v 6
FelixActs 23 v 24; Acts 23 v 26
CaiaphasLuke 3 v 2; Acts 4 v 6
FestusActs 24 v 27; Acts 25 v 1, etc.
AnaniasActs 23 v 2; Acts 24 v 1
King Herod Agrippa IActs 12 v 1
GamalielActs 5 v 34; Acts 22 v 3
King Herod Agrippa IIActs 25 v 13, Acts 25 v 26
Herod Antipas, the tetrarch of GalileeLuke 3 v 1

The Incredibly Accurate Dr. Luke - Accrurate
https://www.ichthus.info/Luke/intro.html

In addition to the above references to historial figures (there was no calendar system in those dates and the year of the emperor/ruler is often used to indicate the year), Luke mentioned profusely about other historical figures at the time:

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Steven Avery

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reddit

Luke’s Reliability and Dating
https://www.reddit.com/r/AcademicBiblical/comments/13ll9vq/lukes_reliability_and_dating/

Historical Accuracies and reliability of the Book of Acts
https://www.reddit.com/r/AcademicBi...rical_accuracies_and_reliability_of_the_book/

British scholarship has been relatively positive about Acts’ historicity, from Lightfoot, who says...

“...[N]o ancient work affords so many tests of veracity; for no other has such numerous points of contact in all directions with contemporary history, politics, and topography, whether Jewish, Greek, or Roman” (Essays of the Work Entitled Supernatural Religion, pp. 19-20)

...and Ramsay to W.L. Knox and Bruce. German scholarship has, for the most part, evaluated negatively the historical worth of Acts, from Baur and his school to Dibelius, Conzelmann, and Haenchen. North American scholars show a range of opinion.’, Setzer, ‘Jewish Responses to Early Christians: history and polemics, 30-150 C.E.’, p. 94 (1994).

Henry J. Cadbury, the liberal scholar of Harvard University, authored a volume titled, The Book of Acts In History, in which he introduced many examples of the accuracy of Luke’s second letter to Theophilus.

For instance, the physician/historian mentions thirty-two countries, fifty-four cities, and nine Mediterranean islands. He also alludes to ninety-five different people, sixty-two, of which are not mentioned by any other New Testament writer. Twenty-seven of these are unbelievers, chiefly civil or military officials (Bruce Metzger, The New Testament – Its Background, Growth, and Content, pp. 171-172).

What Luke-Acts gets right

Historian Justin Taylor describes the accuracy of Acts positively, [9] and lists many examples in his work ‘The Roman Empire in the Acts of the Apostles’, in ‘Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt’, p. 2437 (1996)
  • Trial scenes throughout Acts
‘In fact, the “trial scenes” in Acts reflect well enough the proceedings of the Roman legal system. The magistrates at Philippi impose on Paul and Silas the standard penalty for vagrant undesirables (Acts 16,22-23.36). Those at Thessalonica receive a bond for good behavior (17, 9).’, ibid., p. 2491
‘Now “Phrygo-Galatian country” describes admirably the region of Antioch-by-Pisidia and Iconium which Paul and Barnabas evangelized during the previous journey: both cities belonged to the province of Galatia, but the native culture and population of the region were Phrygian.’, ibid., p. 2439.
‘Samothrace is the highest island of the Aegean, and so presents a landmark for which a boat sailing from Troas to Neapolis would naturally make. The distance from Troas and Samothrace is a good day’s sailing with a favourable wind; a further day would normally bring the vessel to Neapolis; in Acts 20,6, the return from Neapolis to Troas took five days.’, ibid., p. 2442.
  • Magistrates named correctly (Acts 16)
‘It would not be surprising if Greek speakers at Philippi continued to call the principal magistrates of their city strathgoi, even after the official title had become duumviri. Naples provides a parallel; it seems that the title of the pre-Roman magistrates – dhnarcoi – continued to be in use for the duumviri of the colony. In that case, the us in Acts of the term strathgoi for the duumviri would indicate the author’s local knowledge and also illustrate the persistence of pre-Roman tradition in the colony of Philippi.’, ibid., p. 2453.
‘In the continuation of the episode at Thessalonica, vv. 5-9, Paul’s opponents mean to drag him and Silas before the dhmoV and in fact they bring Jason and others before the politarcai. Several inscriptions from Thessalonica have the word dhmoV for the assembly of the citizens. It would be reasonable to give it the same sense in Acts 17,5 and not simply to take it as the equivalent of ocloV (“crowd”) in v.8. This was the official title of the assembly, as can be seen from the frequent formula introducing civil legislation: h boulh kai o dhmoV… (The Council and the Asembly…). The title politarcai is very well attested for certain magistrates at Thessalonica.’,
‘It is clear that in the 1st century of our era there were several altars in and near Athens which could be described as altars of “unknown gods**,”** whether they were inscribed agnowstoiV qeoiV or qewn or were without inscription.’, ibid., p. 2470.
‘An inscription found at Delphi mentions Gallio as proconsul. It records a letter from the emperor Claudius which indicates a date for the proconsulate of Gallio and hence of St. Paul’s visit to Corinth at that time according to Acts.’, ibid., p. 2484.
‘It is evident that the magistrate enjoyed a very large discretion for determining whether the affair interested the law or not. This is precisely what Acts describes as taking place before the tribunal of Gallio.’, ibid., p. 2486.
‘The 3rd century jurist Paulus explains that the former right of the citizen to appeal to the people had become a right of appeal to the emperor.’, ibid., p. 2456.

Talbert, "Reading Luke-Acts in its Mediterranean Milieu", pp. 198–200 (2003). Brill notes:

* "Inscriptions confirm that the city authorities in Thessalonica in the 1st century were called politarchs (Acts 17:6–8)
* According to inscriptions, grammateus is the correct title for the chief magistrate in Ephesus (Acts 19:35)
* Felix and Festus are correctly called procurators of Judea
* The passing remark of the expulsion of the Jews from Rome by Claudius (Acts 18:2) is independently attested by Suetonius in Claudius 25 from The Twelve Caesars, , Cassius Dio (c. AD 150 – c. 235) and fifth-century Christian author Paulus Orosius. ( Rainer Riesner "Pauline Chronology" in Stephen Westerholm The Blackwell Companion to Paul (May 16, 2011) ISBN 1405188448 pp.13-14); (^ Andreas J. Köstenberger, L. Scott Kellum, The Cradle, the Cross, and the Crown: An Introduction to the New Testament(2009) ISBN 978-0-8054-4365-3 p. 110, 400)
* Acts correctly refers to Cornelius as centurion and to Claudius Lysias as a tribune (Acts 21:31 and Acts 23:26)
* The title proconsul (anthypathos) is correctly used for the governors of the two senatorial provinces named in Acts (Acts 13:7–8 and Acts 18:12)
* Inscriptions speak about the prohibition against the Gentiles in the inner areas of the Temple (as in Acts 21:27–36); see also Court of the Gentiles
* The function of town assemblies in the operation of a city's business is described accurately in Acts 19:29–41
* Roman soldiers were permanently stationed in the tower of Antonia with the responsibility of watching for and suppressing any disturbances at the festivals of the Jews; to reach the affected area they would have to come down a flight of steps into temple precincts, as noted by Acts 21:31–37"
Talbert concludes that the historical inaccuracies within Acts "are few and insignificant compared to the overwhelming congruence of Acts and its time [until AD 64] and place [Palestine and the wider Roman Empire]". Talbert cautions nevertheless that "an exact description of the milieu does not prove the historicity of the event narrated"
Other things Luke-Acts gets right:
  • The station of Cohors II Italica Civium Romanorum in Caesarea in the 60s. See Acts 10
  • The presence of a synagogue in Thessalonica. (17:1) This is attested by a late 2nd AD inscription. (CIJ 693)
  • The fact that the Ephesian theater was the meeting place of the city. (19:29) This is confirmed by inscriptional evidence dating from AD. 104. (See OGIS 480.8-9.)
  • The employment of the characteristic ethnic term “Asianos,” meaning “Greeks in Asia.” (20:4) Cf. IGRR 4.1756, where the Greeks honor a Sardian citizen with this designation (lines 113, 116).
  • The proper reaction of Greek philosophers, who denied the bodily resurrection. (17:32) See the words of Apollo in Aeschylus, Eumenides 647-48.
  • The use of the correct Athenian slang word for Paul (spermologos, “seed picker,” 17:18) as well as for the court (Areios pagos, “the hill of Ares,” 17:19)
____________________________________________________________________________________________________________

What critical scholars believe represents History in Acts

"There is an increasing trend among scholars toward considering the Jerusalem Council as historical event. An overwhelming majority identifies the reference to the Jerusalem Council in Acts 15 with Paul's account in Gal. 2.1–10, and this accord is not just limited to the historicity of the gathering alone but extends also to the authenticity of the arguments deriving from the Jerusalem church itself.", Philip, "The Origins of Pauline Pneumatology: the Eschatological Bestowal of the Spirit", Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament 2, Reihe, p. 205 (2005). Mohr Siebeck

Lüdemann acknowledges the historicity of Christ’s post-resurrection appearances[1], the names of the early disciples[2], women disciples,[3] and Judas Iscariot.[4] Wedderburn says the disciples indisputably believed Christ was truly raised.[5] Hengel believes Acts was written early[6] by Luke as a partial eyewitness,[7] praising Luke’s knowledge of Palestine,[8] and of Jewish customs in Acts 1:12.[9] With regard to Acts 1:15–26, Lüdemann is skeptical with regard to the appointment of Matthias, but not with regard to his historical existence.[10] Wedderburn rejects the theory that denies the historicity of the disciples,[11][12] Conzelmann considers the upper room meeting a historical event Luke knew from tradition,[13] and Hengel considers ‘the Field of Blood’ to be an authentic historical name.[14]

Concerning Acts 2, Lüdemann considers the Pentecost gathering as very possible,[15] and the apostolic instruction to be historically credible.[16] Wedderburn acknowledges the possibility of a ‘mass ecstatic experience’,[17] and notes it is difficult to explain why early Christians later adopted this Jewish festival if there had not been an original Pentecost event as described in Acts.[18] He also holds the description of the early community in Acts 2 to be reliable.[19]

Lüdemann views Acts 3:1–31 as historical.[20] Wedderburn notes what he sees as features of an idealized description,[21] but nevertheless cautions against dismissing the record as unhistorical.[22] Hengel likewise insists that Luke described genuine historical events, even if he has idealized them.[23]
  1. ‘"There were in fact appearances of the heavenly Jesus in Jerusalem (after those in Galilee)" (ibid., 29–30)”’, Lüdemann quoted by Matthews, ‘Acts and the History of the Earliest Jerusalem Church’, in Cameron & Miller (eds.), ‘Redescribing Christian origins’, p. 164 (2004); he attributes the appearances to hallucination.
  2. Lüdemann quoted by Matthews, ‘Acts and the History of the Earliest Jerusalem Church’, in Cameron & Miller (eds.), ‘Redescribing Christian origins’, p. 164 (2004)
  3. ‘[“]The existence of women disciples as members of the earliest Jerusalem community is also a historical fact" (ibid., 31).’, Lüdemann quoted by Matthews, ‘Acts and the History of the Earliest Jerusalem Church’, in Cameron & Miller (eds.), ‘Redescribing Christian origins’, p. 164 (2004)
  4. Lüdemann quoted by Matthews*, ‘Acts and the History of the Earliest Jerusalem Church’, in Cameron & Miller (eds.), ‘Redescribing Christian origins’, p. 165 (2004)*
  5. ‘Whatever one believes about the resurrection of Jesus,5 it is undeniable that his followers came to believe that he had been raised by God from the dead, that the one who had apparently died an ignominious death, forsaken and even accursed by his God, had subsequently been vindicated by that same God., ’ Wedderburn, ‘A History of the First Christians’, p. 17 (2004).
  6. 'That makes it all the more striking that Acts says nothing of Paul the letter-writer. In my view this presupposes a relatively early date for Acts, when there was still a vivid memory of Paul the missionary, but the letter-writer was not known in the same way.', Hengel & Schwemer, 'Paul Between Damascus and Antioch: the unknown years', p. 3 (1997).
  7. 'Contrary to a widespread anti-Lukan scholasticism which is often relatively ignorant of ancient historiography, I regard Acts as a work that was composed soon after the Third Gospel by Luke 'the beloved physician' (Col. 4:14), who accompanied Paul on his travels from the journey with the collection to Jerusalem onwards. In other words, as at least in part an eye-witness account for the late period of the apostle, about which we no longer have any information from the letters, it is a first-hand source.', Hengel & Schwemer, 'Paul Between Damascus and Antioch: the unknown years', p. 7 (1997).
  8. ‘So Luke-Acts looks back on the destruction of Jerusalem, which is still relatively recent, and moreover is admirably well informed about Jewish circumstances in Palestine, in this respect comparable only to its contemporary Josephus. As Matthew and John attest, that was no longer the case around 15–25 years later; one need only compare the historical errors of the former Platonic philosopher Justin from Neapolis in Samaria, who was born around 100 CE.’, Hengel & Schwemer, 'Paul Between Damascus and Antioch: the unknown years', pp. 7–8 (1997).
  9. ‘The term 'a sabbath day's journey', which appears only here in the New Testament, presupposes an amazingly intimate knowledge — for a Greek — of Jewish customs.’, Hengel, ‘Between Jesus and Paul: studies in the earliest history of Christianity’, p. 107 (1983).
  10. , Lüdemann quoted by Matthews, ‘Acts and the History of the Earliest Jerusalem Church’, in Cameron & Miller (eds.), ‘Redescribing Christian origins’, p. 166 (2004)
  11. ‘Yet is such a theory not an act of desperation?21 Is it not in every way simpler to accept that the Twelve existed during Jesus’ lifetime and that Judas was one of them?’, Wedderburn, ‘A History of the First Christians’, p. 22 (2004).
  12. ‘The presence of some names in the list is, in view of their relative obscurity, most easily explained by their having indeed been members of this group.’, Wedderburn, ‘A History of the First Christians’, p. 22 (2004).
  13. ‘A local tradition about the meeting place can still be detected. The upper room is the place for prayer and conversation (20:8*; cf. Dan 6:11*), and for seclusion (Mart. Pol. 7.1). The list of names agrees with Luke 6:13–16*.’, Conzelmann, Limber (trans.), Epp, & Matthews (eds.), ‘Acts of the Apostles: A commentary on the Acts of the Apostles’, Hermeneia, pp. 8–9 (1987); he nevertheless believes the waiting for the spirit is a fiction by Luke.
  14. 'The Aramaic designation Akeldamakc for 'field of blood' has been correctly handed down in Acts 1:19; this is a place name which is also known by Matthew 27:8', Hengel, ‘The Geography of Palestine in Acts’, in Bauckham (ed.), ‘The Book of Acts in its Palestinian Setting’, p. 47 (1995).
  15. ‘Although doubting that the specification "Pentecost" belongs to the tradition, Lüdemann supposes, on the basis of references to glossolalia in Paul's letters and the ecstatic prophecy of Philip's daughters (Acts 21:9), that "we may certainly regard a happening of the kind described by the tradition behind vv.1–4 as very possible."’, Lüdemann quoted by Matthews, ‘Acts and the History of the Earliest Jerusalem Church’, in Cameron & Miller (eds.), ‘Redescribing Christian origins’, p. 166 (2004)
  16. ‘"The instruction by the apostles is also to be accepted as historical, since in the early period of the Jerusalem community the apostles had a leading role. So Paul can speak of those who were apostles before him (in Jerusalem!, Gal. 1.17)" (40.)’, Lüdemann quoted by Matthews, ‘Acts and the History of the Earliest Jerusalem Church’, in Cameron & Miller (eds.), ‘Redescribing Christian origins’, p. 166 (2004).
  17. ‘It is also possible that at some point of time, though not necessarily on this day, some mass ecstatic experience took place.’, Wedderburn, ‘A History of the First Christians’, p. 26 (2004).
  18. ‘At any rate, as Weiser and Jervell point out,39 it needs to be explained why early Christians adopted Pentecost as one of their festivals, assuming that the Acts account was not reason enough.’, Wedderburn, ‘A History of the First Christians’, p. 27 (2004).
  19. ‘Many features of them are too intrinsically probable to be lightly dismissed as the invention of the author. It is, for instance, highly probable that the earliest community was taught by the apostles (2:42)—at least by them among others.’, Wedderburn, ‘A History of the First Christians’, p. 30 (2004).
  20. "Despite what is in other respects the negative result of the historical analysis of the tradition in Acts 3–4:31, the question remains whether Luke's general knowledge of this period of the earliest community is of historical value. We should probably answer this in the affirmative, because his description of the conflict between the earliest community and the priestly nobility rests on correct historical assumptions. For the missionary activity of the earliest community in Jerusalem not long after the crucifixion of Jesus may have alarmed Sadducean circles... so that they might at least have prompted considerations about action against the Jesus community.", Lüdemann quoted by Matthews, ‘Acts and the History of the Earliest Jerusalem Church’, in Cameron & Miller (eds.), ‘Redescribing Christian origins’, pp. 168–169 (2004).
  21. , Wedderburn, ‘A History of the First Christians’, p. 30 (2004).
  22. Wedderburn, ‘A History of the First Christians’, p. 30 (2004).
  23. ‘There is a historical occasion behind the description of the story of Pentecost in Acts and Peter's preaching, even if Luke has depicted them with relative freedom.’, *Hengel & Schwemer, 'Paul Between Damascus and Antioch: the unknown years', p. 28
Comments Section

This is a fine selection of data. People may be interested to know that Ramsay did not start out as a defender of the general historicity of Acts (he was a follower of the Tubingen school), and a famous liberal scholar von Harnack also became convinced of some of the English-speaking scholarship on Acts's historicity (specifically pertaining to date).
Colin Hemer's Acts in the Setting of Hellenistic History (Mohr Siebeck) is probably the best treatment of Acts's reliability (his lists of points of accuracy eclipse what you've referenced here).

A very good scholarly meditation on the subject matter is Talbert's essay in the volume you cite (Reading Luke-Acts in its Mediterranean Milieu): Talbert, Charles H. “What is Meant By the Historicity of Acts?” In Reading Luke-Acts in its Mediterranean Milieu. 197–218.

Of course, this does not settle the issue. On balance, perhaps the strongest position which calls most all of the scholarship on the reliability of Acts into question is the work of Pervo (perhaps his Hermeneia commentary is the apex of his work).
Scholarship runs the spectrum on this issue. The philosophy of historiography is a related discipline which applies searching question to the kinds of issues implied by your post (the nature of historical knowledge and methods of investigation).
Also, just because an author gets details and local knowledge right does not mean their work is historical. Hemer, who takes Acts to be very historical has a good discussion on this.
 
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Steven Avery

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notes from the liberal critical side

https://www.reddit.com/r/AcademicBi..._url=https://www.purebibleforum.com/index.php

Hengel believes Acts was written early[6] by Luke as a partial eyewitness,[7]

'Contrary to a widespread anti-Lukan scholasticism which is often relatively ignorant of ancient historiography, I regard Acts as a work that was composed soon after the Third Gospel by Luke 'the beloved physician' (Col. 4:14), who accompanied Paul on his travels from the journey with the collection to Jerusalem onwards. In other words, as at least in part an eye-witness account for the late period of the apostle, about which we no longer have any information from the letters, it is a first-hand source.', Hengel & Schwemer, 'Paul Between Damascus and Antioch: the unknown years', p. 7 (1997).
 
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Steven Avery

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Colin Hemer's Acts in the Setting of Hellenistic History (Mohr Siebeck) is probably the best treatment of Acts's reliability (his lists of points of accuracy eclipse what you've referenced here).

(Note: his 84 historical facts is often quoted)


A very good scholarly meditation on the subject matter is Talbert's essay in the volume you cite (Reading Luke-Acts in its Mediterranean Milieu): Talbert, Charles H. “What is Meant By the Historicity of Acts?” In Reading Luke-Acts in its Mediterranean Milieu. 197–218.

(Note: Talbert is not a purist, he speaks of inaccuracies.)

On balance, perhaps the strongest position which calls most all of the scholarship on the reliability of Acts into question is the work of Pervo (perhaps his Hermeneia commentary is the apex of his work).
 
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Steven Avery

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historian of the first rank

The Bearing of Recent Discovery on the Trustworthiness of the New Testament (1915)
William Mitchell Ramsay
https://books.google.com/books?id=NC9VAAAAMAAJ&pg=PA222


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It has been said that Sir William Ramsay is regarded as one of the greatest archaeologists ever to have lived. Concerning Luke he says,

“Luke is a historian of the first rank; not merely are his statements of fact trustworthy … this author should be placed along with the very greatest of historians. Luke’s history is unsurpassed in respect of its trustworthiness.”

Can any deny these facts?
 
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Steven Avery

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New Light on Luke: Its Purpose, Sources and Literary Context (2004)
by Barbara Shellard
https://books.google.com/books?id=r2Y8CwAAQBAJ&pg=PA29

his province: Felix’s action is thus entirely plausible. Acts may be tendentious, but although we cannot assume that the incidents, as Luke records them, are historically true,67 studies by scholars such as J. (James) Smith and W.M. Ramsay68 and more recent works by A.N. Sherwin-White, W. Gasque, C.J. Hemer, H. W. Tajra and R. Lane Fox69 have confirmed the accuracy of many of the details Luke includes.70 Hence, for example, Fair Havens, though unlikely to be known to any except someone who had sailed this route,71 is attested in contemporary reports. Similarly, the family of Sergius Paulus is well-known through a series of inscriptions from Rome and Asia Minor, and there are references to a senator of Claudian date by this name who became a consul,72 although we have no external evidence that he became a Christian. Gallio’s proconsulship also (see Acts 18.12) has been confirmed by an inscription at Delphi dating from 52 CE.. It is worth noting that neither proconsulship is mentioned in Tacitus’s Annals, nor does Seneca refer to them. There is no evidence that archives were kept in


67. See H.W. Tajra, The Trial of Paul (WUNT, 2.95; Tubingen: J.C.B. Mohr, 1989), p. 2.

68. J. Smith, The Voyage and Shipwreck of St Paul (London, 4th cdn, 1880); W.M. Ramsay, The Bearing of Recent Discovery on the Trustworthiness of the New Testament (London: Hodder& Stoughton, 1915).

69. Sherwin-White, Roman Society; W. Gasque. A History of the Criticism of the Acts of the Apostles (BGBE, 17; Tubingen: J.C.B. Mohr [Paul Siebeck], 1975); Hemer. Acts; Tajra, Trial of St Paul, R. Lane Fox, The Unauthorized Version (Harmonds worth: Penguin, 1991).

70. Thus contra E. Schurer, The History of the Jewish People in the Age of Jesus Christ, 175 B.C.-A.D. 135, I (revised by G. Vermes, F. Millar and M. Black; Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark; Naperville, IL: Allenson, 1973 [subsequently revised by G. Vermes, F. Miller and M. Goodman in 1987]), p. 375, Lane Fox, Unauthorized Version, pp. 39-40, says that since Caesarea was still under direct Roman rule, the
presence of the ‘Italian cohort’ of Roman troops in the chief city residence of the governor would only have been incorrect during the reign of Herod Agrippa (41-44CE), when the province returned briefly to direct rule.

71. See Hemer, Acts, p. 136.

72. See B.M. I.cvick, Roman Colonies in Southern Asia Minor (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1967), p. 112; and also S. Mitchell, Anatolia. II. The Rise of the Church (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993), pp. 6ff.
1774021054244.png
 
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Steven Avery

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This can always be used to confront mythicists, Marcionites etc.
BCHF is one spot that has a few.
Here was with Markus Vinzent

Academia.edu

Pure Bible
3d

Hi,
Deme Alopece
Here is what Markus says about Theophilus of Antioch (c. 169–183 CE)

Marcion and the Dating of the Synoptic Gospels
"It would also be easy to imagine 232 that, if Luke and Acts were indeed written in Theophilus’ time, these writings could have been addressed to him. Indeed, Luke’s preface with his addressee Theophilus allows for this possibility." - p. 97
232
See the suggestion by Laurie from California on my blog:
http://www.markusvinzent.com

======================

Suggestion from Laurie not found there.
This is from Markus:

"Theophilus of Antioch seems to have created his own Gospel-harmony"

Which is based on a note from Jerome. Markus does not explain the details of how the receipient of two books from Luke created a Gospel harmony.

======================

To your questions.

As you know evidences from silence, have limited applicability.

And Luke's incredible historicity (as noted by William Ramsay, Adrian Sherwin-White and Colin J. Hemer and others) basically destroys all theories of Luke being 2nd century.
 

Steven Avery

Administrator
Do any of the proponents of Marcion as preceding the Gospel of Luke address the historicity arguments association with Ramsay, Sherwin-White and and Heber, that point to Luke's early historicity

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AI Overview

Proponents of Marcionite priority (such as Matthias Klinghardt) generally bypass or dismiss the specific localized-accuracy arguments of William Ramsay, A.N. Sherwin-White, and Colin Hemer. They argue that these historical verifications apply primarily to the Book of Acts or secondary framing rather than proving an early 1st-century date for the core narrative of canonical Luke. [1, 2, 3]

Arguments from Marcionite Priority
    • Different Literary Scope: Scholars advocating that Marcion’s gospel (Evangelion) preceded canonical Luke focus heavily on textual variants, omission patterns, and ideological redaction rather than Mediterranean archaeology or political titles. [1, 2]
    • Revisiting Historicity: Proponents argue that the "historicizing" elements—such as specific political markers, birth narratives, and structural ties to Jerusalem—were added or amplified during the mid-2nd-century expansion that produced canonical Luke-Acts as a counter-offensive against Marcionism. [1, 2]
    • Separating Acts from the Gospel: Many proponents note that arguments by Ramsay and Sherwin-White lean heavily on the verifiable local color of Acts, which has a looser or more contested literary relationship to Marcion’s solitary gospel text than the Gospel of Luke does. [1, 2]

Would you like to explore how proponents of Marcionite priority reconstruct the timeline of Luke-Acts, or look closer at how mainstream scholars use Sherwin-White and Hemer to defend Lukan priority?

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Does Markus Vinzent address these historicity arguments?

No, Markus Vinzent does not directly engage with or attempt to refute the specific archeological and administrative historicity arguments raised by William Ramsay, A.N. Sherwin-White, or Colin Hemer. Instead, Vinzent completely bypasses their framework by operating from a fundamentally different methodological and chronological starting point. [1 , 2, 3]
Vinzent’s thesis, detailed in works like Marcion and the Dating of the Synoptic Gospels, completely upends the traditional timeline by placing the creation of Marcion’s gospel in Rome around 138–144 AD, with canonical Luke written even later. [1, 2]

How Vinzent Sidesteps Traditional Historicity Arguments
  • Historiographical Deconstruction: Vinzent argues that much of early Christian history is an "active reconstruction" or a retrofitted narrative manufactured by later 2nd- to 4th-century church fathers like Irenaeus and Eusebius. In his view, trying to harmonize 1st-century Roman history with the text of Luke-Acts is a flawed exercise because the text itself is a mid-2nd-century product. [1, 2, 3, 4, 5]
  • Second-Century Context: Rather than viewing Luke’s specific geographical or political markers as evidence of a 1st-century eyewitness source, Vinzent views them as a deliberate literary strategy. He argues that canonical Luke added these realistic, biographical, and localized historical elements specifically to counter Marcion’s docetic, "ahistorical" Jesus who appeared suddenly in history without a background or connection to Hebrew prophecy. [1, 2, 3]
  • Rejection of Linear Genealogy: Vinzent rejects the idea that the Gospels developed linearly out of immediate 1st-century oral history. He argues that the texts emerged out of competing mid-2nd-century Roman "schools" (such as Marcion's, Valentinus's, and Justin Martyr's). Therefore, localized precision in the text is treated as 2nd-century scribal editorial work rather than early, firsthand reportage.


    [1]
Ultimately, Vinzent doesn't feel a need to debunk the accuracy of the Roman titles or nautical routes championed by Hemer or Sherwin-White; he simply views that data as a secondary layer of "historicizing" prose added by a 2nd-century author trying to make a theological counter-narrative look authentic. [1, 2]
Would you like to look into how Matthias Klinghardt handles Luke's historical geography, or explore the specific text changes Vinzent claims were added to canonical Luke? [1]

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how does Matthias Klinghardt handles Luke's historical geography
Matthias Klinghardt handles Luke’s historical geography by treating it as an secondary, editorial restructuring designed to impose geographical and chronological order onto a chaotic source text. [1]
Unlike Markus Vinzent (who views the geography as entirely manufactured anti-Marcionite 2nd-century fiction), Klinghardt addresses the geography through the lens of strict textual criticism and the Synoptic Problem. In his monumental work The Oldest Gospel and the Formation of the Canonical Gospels, Klinghardt posits that Marcion’s gospel (Evangelion or *Ev) was the primary source text for all synoptic gospels. [1, 2, 3, 4, 5]
Because *Ev is his baseline, Klinghardt treats Luke’s shifting geography not as firsthand eyewitness reporting (per Ramsay or Hemer), but as an editorial attempt to solve narrative and geographical puzzles. [1, 2]

1. The Capernaum vs. Nazareth Reversal
The centerpiece of Klinghardt’s geographical analysis is the beginning of Jesus’s public ministry. [1]
  • The Marcionite Baseline: In Marcion's *Ev, Jesus descends directly from heaven into the synagogue of Capernaum (omitting the Bethlehem birth narratives and Nazareth upbringing entirely). [1, 2]
  • Luke’s Intervention: The author of canonical Luke rearranges this sequence by placing Jesus first in Nazareth (Luke 4:16–30) before moving him to Capernaum (Luke 4:31). [1]
  • Klinghardt's View: Klinghardt argues that Luke’s geography creates a textual blunder: while in Nazareth, Jesus mentions miracles he already performed in Capernaum (Luke 4:23), even though Luke hasn't narrated the Capernaum visit yet. For Klinghardt, this proves Luke is adapting a text (*Ev) that originally had Capernaum first, meaning Luke's geography is an artificial, secondary rearrangement to fit his newly added childhood narrative. [1]
2. The Unwieldy Travel Narrative (Luke 9–19)
Mainstream defenders of Lukan historicity try to map Jesus's long journey to Jerusalem as a realistic itinerary. Critics like John S. Kloppenborg argue that Luke's geography is highly flawed (e.g., Luke 17:11 states Jesus traveled "through the midst of Samaria and Galilee" on his way to Jerusalem—a geographical impossibility since Samaria sits between Galilee and Jerusalem). [1, 2]
  • Klinghardt’s Solution: Klinghardt bypasses the debate over whether Luke was geographically incompetent. Instead, he shows that the geographical framework of the Travel Narrative is an editorial mechanism. Canonical Luke was attempting to stitch together disjointed pieces of Jesus's sayings from *Ev and Mark. The artificial "journey to Jerusalem" provides the geographical thread to hold these floating traditions together, making the literal route secondary to its literary utility. [1, 2, 3]
3. De-Urbanizing Mark's Geography
In his synoptic model, Klinghardt analyzes how Luke systematically alters Mark’s landscape. Where Mark features open country, wilderness settings, and small villages, Luke tends to categorize locations as formalized cities (polis), such as turning the village of Nain or Emmaus into urban points. Klinghardt interprets this not as superior 1st-century local knowledge, but as a deliberate stylistic upgrading to make the Gospel match the urban, Mediterranean setting of the Book of Acts. [1, 2]

Summary of Klinghardt's Approach
For Klinghardt, the administrative and geographical precision that scholars like Sherwin-White find so compelling is actually the product of literary refinement. The author of Luke-Acts was an exceptional, highly educated 2nd-century editor who possessed excellent name recognition of Judean geography but was working with texts that had very different structural layouts. Therefore, any historical-geographical "accuracy" in Luke is the result of meticulous editorial organizing, not the passive recording of an eyewitness itinerary. [1, 2, 3]
Would you like to look at the specific textual variants Klinghardt uses to prove Marcion came first, or examine the mainstream response to his synoptic theory? [1, 2]

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what is the mainstream response to his synoptic theory

The mainstream response to Matthias Klinghardt’s synoptic theory (Marcionite priority) is overwhelmingly skeptical, and his model has not dislodged the dominant Two-Source Hypothesis (Markan priority + Q). [1, 2]
While New Testament scholars praise Klinghardt for his monumental 20-year textual reconstruction of Marcion’s gospel (Evangelion or *Ev), they broadly reject his claim that *Ev is the primary source text for all the synoptics. [1, 2, 3, 4]
Mainstream scholarship's primary criticisms of Klinghardt's theory focus on specific methodological and textual arguments:

1. Reconstructing text from "Hostile Witnesses"
The fundamental flaw mainstream scholars point to is that Marcion’s gospel does not survive independently. It must be painstakingly rebuilt using quotes and complaints from early Christian apologists (like Tertullian and Epiphanius) who were trying to prove Marcion was a heretic. Critics argue it is methodologically reckless to build an entire solution to the Synoptic Problem on a secondary, hypothetical text—ironically the very same criticism Marcionite-priority advocates level against the "Q" source. [1, 3, 4, 5]

2. Defending the Patristic "Truncation" Consensus
Mainstream scholars argue Klinghardt dismisses the historical reliability of Church Fathers too easily. Thinkers like Tertullian and Irenaeus explicitly stated that Marcion abbreviated and edited canonical Luke to fit his anti-Jewish theology. Mainstream consensus maintains that it is highly implausible for early church apologists across the Roman Empire to create an identical, coordinated lie about Marcion cutting up Luke. [1, 2, 3, 4]

3. Theological Inconsistencies in the Text
Scholars like Christopher M. Hays have argued that if Marcion wrote his gospel first, it contains bizarre theological self-contradictions. If Marcion's theology rejected the creator God of the Old Testament, it makes no sense that his gospel would keep lines affirming Jewish law or praising the Father of creation (e.g., maintaining portions of the Ten Commandments in Luke 18:19). The mainstream view is that Marcion left these fragments in because he was rapidly editing an existing, authoritative Gospel of Luke and missed a few spots. [1, 2, 3, 4, 5]

4. Textual Expansion vs. Shrunk Texts
Textual critics point out that ancient scribal transmission generally favored expansion over contraction. When ancient writers adapted earlier stories, they usually added material to clarify or embellish (like Matthew expanding Mark). Klinghardt’s model requires canonical Luke to systematically expand Marcion's text while making it look remarkably uniform in style. Mainstream critics argue that Luke's sophisticated, cohesive Greek style across the entire gospel proves it was written by one original author, rather than an editor padding out a shorter Marcionite framework. [1, 2, 3]

5. Keeping Markan Priority Intact
The foundational pillar of modern New Testament studies is Markan Priority—the belief that Mark was written first and used by Matthew and Luke. Klinghardt’s model drastically alters this timeline by placing Marcion before Mark. Critics maintain that the internal evidence for Markan priority (such as Mark’s rougher grammar and more primitive theology) remains far too structurally secure to be overturned by a reconstructed 2nd-century text. [1, 2, 3, 4, 5]
Would you like to examine the specific passages where Matthew and Luke agree against Mark, and how Klinghardt uses them differently than mainstream "Q" scholars? [1, 2]

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Do any of the opponents skeptical of Matthais Klinghardt use the historicity knowledge (Ramsay, Sherwin-White, Heber) as a key argument?


No, mainstream critics who reject Matthias Klinghardt’s theory do not use the specific historicity arguments of William Ramsay, A.N. Sherwin-White, or Colin Hemer as a primary weapon against him. [1]
While apologists and a distinct branch of conservative historical-critical scholars frequently use Ramsay and Hemer to defend the reliability of Luke-Acts, mainstream New Testament critics countering Klinghardt (such as Dieter T. Roth, Christopher Hays, and Sebastian Moll) fight him on an entirely different battlefield: strict textual criticism, patristic testimony, and the Synoptic Problem. [1, 2]
The classical historicity data is generally left out of the core debate for several definitive reasons:

1. The Skepticism of Mainstream Critics Themselves
The vast majority of modern peer-reviewed scholars who criticize Klinghardt are not traditional inerrantists; they are mainstream secular or moderate academic historians. Most contemporary scholarship has already heavily caveated the sweeping claims of Ramsay and Sherwin-White. Mainstream critics recognize that while Luke possesses an excellent grasp of 1st-century Mediterranean political titles (like politarchs or proconsuls), this does not automatically prove the theological narrative or early dating of the Gospel. Because critics themselves don't fully rely on Hemer's framework to date Luke, they don't use it to attack Klinghardt. [1, 2]

2. A Shift in the "Battlefield" (Text Over Archaeology)
Klinghardt's 20-year project is an intricate, mathematical exploration of textual variants, primarily focusing on how Matthew, Mark, and Luke agree or disagree against his reconstructed Marcionite text (*Ev). [1, 2]
  • To defeat Klinghardt, his opponents must show that his text-critical methodology is flawed.
  • Scholars like Dieter T. Roth focus their counter-arguments on showing that Klinghardt over-relies on highly biased patristic quotes (from Tertullian and Epiphanius) to reconstruct his baseline text. [1]
  • Arguing about ancient Roman ship routes (Hemer) or Macedonian administrative titles (Sherwin-White) is seen by both sides as a topical distraction from the actual Greek text. [1]

3. The "Excellent 2nd-Century Novelist" Counter-Argument
If a critic did try to throw Ramsay or Sherwin-White's archeological accuracy at Klinghardt, his model easily absorbs it. Proponents of Marcionite priority view the author of canonical Luke-Acts as a highly educated, brilliant, mid-2nd-century writer who had access to excellent libraries, historical archives, and Roman records. Showing that Luke knew the exact political title of a ruler in Cyprus does not prove Luke wrote in 60 AD; it just proves the author was a meticulous historian. Therefore, critics know that "local color" is not a magic bullet capable of disproving a 2nd-century compilation date. [1, 2]

Where the Actual Battle is Fought Instead
Rather than using archaeology, skeptics of Klinghardt use these three key arguments to protect the consensus:
  • The Patristic Consensus: Defending the near-unanimous testimony of 2nd-century writers who explicitly stated that Marcion defaced an already-existing Gospel of Luke. [1, 2]
  • Theological Remnants: Pointing out passages in Klinghardt's reconstructed Marcionite text that flatly contradict Marcion's own anti-Jewish theology, proving Marcion was editing Luke and missed a few spots. [, 2]
  • Markan Priority: Arguing that the internal mechanics of the Synoptic Problem still overwhelmingly favor Mark being written first, a pillar that Klinghardt’s model collapses. [1]
Would you like to examine Dieter T. Roth's specific criticisms of how Klinghardt reconstructs the text of Marcion, or explore how mainstream scholars date Luke without relying on Ramsay?




  • Portraits of Paul's Performance in the Book of Acts
    A key issue has been one with a historical orientation: How does the course of. Paul's life as described in Acts relate to what ca...
 
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Steven Avery

Administrator
based on the historicity arguments of Ramsay, Sherwin-White and Hemer, what would be the terminus ante quem for Luke to publish his gospel

AI Overview

Based on the archaeological and historical reliability arguments made by Sir William Ramsay, A.N. Sherwin-White, and Colin Hemer ), the terminus ante quem (the latest possible date) for the publication of Luke's gospel is circa AD 62 to 64. [1]

Arguments for an Early Date (Pre-AD 62)
The deduction of this early terminus ante quem relies on specific structural and historical observations in Luke's two-volume work (the Gospel and the Book of Acts): [1, 2, 3, 4]
  • The Ending of Acts: Acts concludes abruptly with Paul under house arrest in Rome awaiting his appeal before Caesar, reflecting an open-ended situation. [1, 2, 3, 4]
  • Omission of Key Events: The narrative does not mention the outcome of Paul's trial, his potential martyrdom, the Neronian persecution of Christians in AD 64, or the destruction of the Jerusalem Temple in AD 70. Proponents argue that an author possessing Luke’s meticulous precision would not omit the monumental catastrophe of AD 70 or the death of his primary subject (Paul) if they had already occurred. [1, 2, 3, 4, 5]
  • Contemporaneous Political Environment: The accurate reflection of Julio-Claudian administrative titles, local magistrate nomenclature, and shifting provincial boundaries implies an eyewitness or tight contemporary reporting window that loosens significantly if pushed into the Flavian or second-century periods. [1, 2, 3]
Because the Gospel of Luke logically precedes the composition of Acts ("The former treatise have I made, O Theophilus..."), the Gospel must be dated slightly earlier—typically around AD 59–62—placing the absolute terminus ante quem for the Gospel right before the culmination of Paul’s Roman imprisonment. [1, 2, 3]

Would you like to explore how critical/secular scholarship counters this early terminus ante quem by proposing dates in the 70s or 90s AD?
 
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